Adalbert's mission

Main article: History of Russia

Reasons of sending Russian Embassy to Germany

In the summer or fall of 959, i.e. the next year after break in relations with the emperor of Byzantium Konstantin Bagryanorodny, the princess sent ambassadors to Germany to the king Otgon whom asked no more no less as about organization of an episkopiya in the country.

About it in 60th or 70th the 10th century, i.e. without delay events, the author of continuation of the Chronicle of Reginon Pryumsky wrote. This source is represented exclusively valuable to the history of Russia to time of government of the princess Olga — perhaps, comparable on the importance with compositions of the emperor Konstantin Bagryanorodny. It's not just that it belongs to the contemporary of events. On unanimous belief of researchers, the famous figure of the German church Adalbert, the archbishop Magdebourg was Reginon's Successor — that missionary who visited Kiev and personally communicated with the princess Olga.

Under 959 in its Chronicle the following news is placed: "Ambassadors of Elena, the queen of rug christened in Constantinople at the emperor Constantinople Roman, having been to the king (Otgon I), falsely, as it became clear afterwards, asked to appoint to their people the bishop and priests"

It was talked of Olga's intention to christen the country. For this purpose also priests and the bishop who could ordain them were necessary — in other words, the church organization included in the existing structures of Universal church. Olga did not manage to create such organization within the Constantinople patriarchy for some reason — and now she addressed with the same intentions the governor of the West.

It is necessary to tell that Olga's embassy to Otton caused considerable difficulties in domestic historians. Other of them directly or indirectly tried "protect" Olga from charges of an act unseemly, in terms of modern Orthodoxy or simply the understood patriotism and therefore represented the Successor Reginon's news as notorious falsification, a lie or as the evidence of excessive religious eagerness of the German chronicler missionary and his patrons who attributed to the Russian ambassadors at all not about what they in fact asked. Moreover, it was suggested as if to Otton in general there came some adventurers who only issued themselves for ambassadors of "queen Elena", but in practice like those were not (so, for example, the outstanding Russian historian Sergey Mikhaylovich Solovyov believed).

Meanwhile in the history of Eastern and Central Europe Olga's embassy does not look something outstanding. To the middle of the 10th century split between the Western and East churches did not happen yet. There was neither mutual anathema, nor the termination of canonical communication, and contradictions carried more political, but not confessional character. Respectively, there are no bases to see intrigues or especially falsification of Germans in all event, as well as to consider Olga's embassy as imaginary derogation from Orthodoxy and a bias towards Catholicism (and such attempts were made too, mainly in the western historiography). Such representations are based on realities of much later era which was marked by schism of 1054 and the subsequent opposition of Constantinople and Rome. Postpone them to Olga's times would be an error.

Fluctuations between two main centers of Christianity for this time — it is rather a pattern, than an exception to the rules. So, the Bulgarian tsar Boris christening the country in the 60th years of the 9th century twice cardinally changed church and political orientation, expelling from the country of the Greek priests and recognizing domination of the Roman throne, again returning to a bosom of the Byzantine church and, respectively, expelling priests-latinyan from Bulgaria. Approximately in the same years the Moravian prince Rostislav appealed to the Constantinople emperor to send to him preachers though in Moravia missionaries "from the German" already acted. It is remarkable that the educators of Slavs Konstantin (Kirill) and Mefodiy who arrived from Constantinople recognized supremacy of the Roman throne and tried to obtain opening of the Moravian diocese under jurisdiction of Rome. And the Kiev chronicler, telling about a mission of Saint brothers to morava, did not fail to note with approval that "папеж" Roman supported them and condemned their opponents, those, "who grumbles on books Slavic". Are cited in chronicles and the father's words as the highest church authority in this case recognized by like that and in Russia: "Ashe who abuses the Slavic diploma and will be excommunicated, will not improve yet".

In the 10th century we see the same fluctuations between Constantinople and Rome also in the history of Christianization of Hungary. The Greek diocese existed up to the XI century here though the Hungarian princes eventually selected a baptism from latinyan. And in the history of the address of the Saint prince of Vladimir, the grandson Olga, Latin preachers also played not the last role.

The reasons which forced governors of the "barbaric" countries to maneuvre between Old and New Rome could be different. In some cases, probably, moved them political calculation, desire to use contradictions between two Christian capitals to receive notable political or material benefits, "sell" the consent to change of belief more expensively. In others — some nuances in interpretation of Christian regulations, different approaches to the address of pagans. Modern researchers note that the Byzantine church gave much less attention to missionary work as such in comparison with Western and was much less agile and persistent in this question. Increased requirements which Greeks imposed to new converts often pushed away from them recent pagans, and not without success Latin missionaries used it. So was in Bulgaria at the tsar Boris, so was also in Great Moravia at Rostislav's successors who expelled from the country of pupils of Saint Mefodiy.

In the possible address of Russia at the princess Olga ruling numbers of the Empire also did not show due interest though the situation very favored to them. The haughty attitude towards "barbarians", conviction that from them "these" Christians all the same will not turn out penetrated all layers of the Byzantine society, starting with the emperor. Also it is possible to think that failure from organization of the Russian episkopiya partly turned out to be consequence of it of a look. However, and Olga could impose some inadmissible claims to the temporal and church powers of the Empire. It could not accept, for example, what was offered by the tsar and the patriarch: belittled, a dependency of the hypothetical Russian diocese subordinated by one of provincial Greek metropolitanates. The ruler that is called to the core, Olga, undoubtedly, too looked for the most advantageous conditions of entry of the country into seven Christian people. At the same time the power of Otgonov, in its representation, had not only political, but also church authority — if smaller, than the Constantinople empire with the universal patriarch then sufficient to promote Christian education of its country. Another thing is that the king could hardly offer it something essentially other, than the church authorities of Constantinople.

Olga's embassy, undoubtedly, had to interest the German king. Not without reason called Veliky, Otton I put a lot of effort for promotion of Christianity among the "barbaric", i.e. first of all Slavic, tribes, neighboring to Germany. It is remarkable that news of the Russian Embassy in the Chronicle of the Successor Reginon was in an environment of news of the king's campaigns against polabsky Slavs — vagr, obodrit, rotary and others. The first big German-Slavic war lasted several years — from the middle of the 950th prior to the beginning of the 960th years — and differed in extreme exasperation. In the east policy Otgon from the very beginning relied not only on a sword, but also on a cross, understanding that and another as two integral attributes of a statement of the power and aiming at violent destruction of paganism and planting of Christianity in Slavic lands. In 948 on its initiative two episkopiya — in Hafelberg and Brandenburg — especially for a sermon of Christianity among Slavic pagans were founded. Nearly Otgon read out the main business of the life opening of archiepiscopal department in Magdeburg from the middle of the 950th years — the city on Elba (Laba), a German-Slavic border zone — also giving "the next people of Slavs to honoring of Christian belief". (The Magdebourg archbishopric was open only in 968, but on that there were the internal reasons which are not connected with achievements of east policy of Otgon in any way.)

It is necessary to tell that else in 955 the king got the formal permission of the father Agapit II of that time "arrange episkopiya as to it will like". The possibility of organization of one more missiyny diocese — even in view of remoteness of the Kiev state from Germany — had to be perceived by it as a new step on the way to a general celebration of Christianity, i.e. to execution of the mission as he understood it.

After the outstanding victory over Hungarians in the summer of 955 Otton I purchased glory of the great defender of Christianity and certainly West, the first among monarchs. From now on he began to be referred to as almost officially the emperor though prior to a crowning in Rome there were some more years. Olga not only among governors of the European countries directed to it the ambassadors. "Purchased glory and popularity thanks to repeated victories", Otton "began to summon fear and at the same time favor of many kings and the people — the younger contemporary and the emperor's biographer German chronicler Widukind Korwejski wrote. — It was necessary to it therefore to accept different ambassadors, namely from Romans, Greeks and saratsin, and to receive through them any gifts … and neighboring Christians everything assigned to it the affairs and expectations". Vot and Olga decided to handle "expectations" to the German king — already almost to the emperor — hoping to achieve from him what could not receive in Tsargrad.

Meeting of ambassadors with Otgony I, appointment of the monk Libution the bishop for Russia and his death before departure

The Russian ambassadors met Otgon in the fall or at the beginning of winter of 959 — it seems, not earlier than October — November, but in any case, before Christmas (on December 25). It occurred in one of royal residences — most likely, in Frankfurt am Main where the king celebrated Christmas of 959. "Having welcomed" ambassadors of the Russian princess, the king "with great pleasure agreed to their request" — the Saxon chronicler wrote later.

In the same place, in Frankfurt, also the bishop's postavleniye "for the people of rug" took place. A certain Libutsy, the monk from Saint Alban's monastery near Mainz became him. This monastery was especially expensive to the king Otgon who did not leave it the cares and attention: only two years earlier his eldest son Liudolf who died in Italy was buried here.

The archbishop Mainz Wilhelm — by the way, too the son Otgona I, only illegitimate was considered as the abbot of the monastery of Saint Alban. However, Wilhelm was in a certain opposition to the father, and on church political affairs (he objected to plans of organization of the Magdebourg archbishopric, seeing in it infringement of the interests). As he treated appointment of one of the monks the bishop of "rug", it is unknown. In any case, ordained Libution not he, and the archbishop Hamburg and Bremen Adaldag — also the person very influential in church circles, one of the closest advisers to the king who was constantly staying at his yard.

In affairs of missionary Adaldag showed special eagerness. Unlike Wilhelm, he fully supported efforts of the king on planting of Christianity among "barbarians": those years when Adaldag headed department in Hamburg, three dioceses intended for pagans-danov were open. Adaldag was considered as the father's vicar in countries of Northern Europe; he was given the special right to appoint at discretion, without approval of the father, bishops not only for Denmark, but also for other "northern" people. It must be assumed that this right was also implemented by it and the king Otgon in Frankfurt.

However Libutsy was delayed in Germany more than for a year. What it was caused by, we do not know. The author Hroniki said about it very foggy: Libution's trip to Russia "was prevented by some delays". Perhaps, the new delivered bishop feared a long and dangerous trip to the unknown and wild country inhabited, by hearsay, by the people "a rough, furious type and unrestrained heart" and itself looked for an occasion to wait a little with departure; perhaps, the policy, some unknown to us the highest interests of Otton Veliky which forced it to hold the prelate in the homeland interfered. But very much can be that everything spoke more simply: soon after a postavleniye Libutsy got sick, and it did not give it the chance to go to a way. In over a year, on February 15 961 years, he died, and the missiyny department existing only in the Russian project was vacant.

Adalbert is upset with the appointment as the head of the mission to Russia

The new candidate was soon found. (By this time already conciliated with the father), that Adalbert who is recognized as the author of continuation of the Chronicle of Reginon became him, "by council and the petition" the archbishop Wilhelm Meinzski. Therefore, all further story about the fate of a Latin mission to Russia belongs to the main character of the unrolled events.

Appointment to Russia was apprehended by Adalbert with explicit offense which he did not even try to hide. "Though Adalbert also waited from the archbishop of the best and nothing never before him was guilty — he wrote about himself in the third party — it had to go to the foreign land". However, the new delivered bishop got a full support from the king Otton, and it, undoubtedly, partly consoled him. The material security of a mission also turned out at height that Adalbert did not fail to note. "With honors having appointed him the bishop to the people of rug — he continues — the blagochestiveyshy king, on ordinary mercy, supplied it with everything what that needed".

As believe, Adalbert came from a noble Saxon family and in the 50th years of the 10th century served a notariya (copyist) in office of the king Otton I. About this time he became the monk of the Saint Maksimin's monastery, oldest in Germany, in Trier. This monastery differed in special severity of life and strict observance of all instructions of the charter of Saint Benedict of Nursia. Sources speak about Adalbert as about the husband of "high sanctity", however as far as these qualities were shown during his travel to Russia, it is unknown. He was, undoubtedly, a person very well-read, highly educated, book.

After the return from Russia in 962 it will appear as a part of a court chapel, the king Otgon II, the son and the co-governor Otgon Veliky this time again. At the beginning of 966 Adalbert will receive under the beginning Vaysenburgsky abbey (to Rein and Mozel's Entre Rios), and will accompany with fall of 967 Otgon II to Italy. Here in October, 968 there will be its appointment as the first archbishop Magdebourg, and this department he will take to the most death on June 20 981 years.

Mission failure

When Adalbert left to Russia, we besides definitely do not know. It seems that he was present in May of the same 961 years at congresses of the German nobility at Worms and Aachen where the German king and the co-governor of the father proclaimed young Otgon II (messages about these congresses are read in the Chronicle at once behind news of Adalbert's ordination). Soon after that Otgon Veliky went to Italy — behind an imperial crown with which it was topped in Rome on February 2 962 years. East affairs for a while faded for it into the background. Perhaps, this circumstance adversely affected the fate of Adalbert who could not expect both the king, and his office attention and support.

Adalbert's way lay through the Czech lands. It is known that on the way to Russia he visited Libitsa, the capital of the Zlichansky principality (in the Central Czech Republic) where made a confirmation ceremony over the son of the local prince Slavnik Voytekhom to whom gave the name. (Afterwards Adalbert-Voytekh will become a bishop Prague and one of the esteemed Catholic Saints.) Possibly, Adalbert used a well-known trade route to Russia — through Regensburg, Prague, Krakow (which was also belonging at that time to the Czech Republic) and Chervensky grads (Volhynia). By the fall of 961 years it and its satellites had to reach Kiev.

To great chagrin of historians, Adalbert announces nothing the stay in the capital of Russia. From its Chronicle it is known only of results of a trip — and they were deplorable. The Latin mission to Russia came to the end with crash. In the winter or at the beginning of spring of the following, 962 years to it and its satellites were necessary to leave Kiev hastily. "Adalbert appointed the bishop to ruga returned, without having managed to succeed in anything from this what for the sake of he it was sent, and having convinced of futility of the efforts" — he writes about himself. It is more than that, "on the way back some of its satellites were killed, he, after big deprivations, hardly escaped".

Where its satellites and where it underwent danger of death — in Russia or already beyond its limits, on the way home were killed — from its Chronicle not clearly. Additional details of the incident are given in later German sources, and their authors already unambiguously accuse of everything russ.

"The mentioned bishop hardly avoided danger of death from their intrigues" — it is said about Adalbert's return to so-called Altaykhsky and the Kvedlinburgsky annals. "The Trier monk Adalbert, the priest known and in every respect tested", was appointed the bishop of Russia, but "is expelled by pagans from there" — quite the German chronicler Titmar Merzeburgsky († 1018) who is very informed in the Russian affairs definitely wrote. And in "Acts of the Magdebourg archbishops" (the middle of the 12th century) we read: "Adalbert, the husband nice and deserved … was once … is delivered by the bishop and the fierce people, furious a type and unrestrained heart are sent by the preacher to ruga, but, expelled it from the limits, having disdained the world preaching the Gospel".

Later, making the Chronicle, Adalbert tried to provide case so as if all invention with organization of "the Russian diocese" from the very beginning was no more than deception from "rug" whose ambassadors consciously trapped him, worked "falsely as it became clear afterwards" (or as the author of the Hildesheim annals said, "in everything lay"). Its version, in general, is clear. If it turned out that he is guilty of failure of the mission, it could prevent his further career. Meanwhile Adalbert, obviously, harbored ambitions even before appointment to the Russian department when he, by his own words, "waited for the best", than a long and dangerous trip to Russia. And he really managed to prove that there is no his fault in the incident.

"Come to the king (to young Otgon II. — A.K.) Adalbert was accepted graciously — he writes God about the return to Germany — and kind the archbishop Wilhelm to compensation of so many burdens of a distant wandering which he was an organizer, provides it property and as if the brother's brother, surrounds with all conveniences. [Wilhelm] even sent the letter to its protection to the emperor (who was in Italy to Otgon I. — A.K.) for which return it was ordered to Adalbert to wait in the palace". As we already know, Adalbert got into favor both Otgonov — both the father, and the son. Afterwards, when there was a question of its appointment to department in Magdeburg, the fact of its violent exile from Russia had to serve as an argument in its advantage. And therefore in the podtverditelny diploma of the Holy See on the rights of the Magdebourg archbishopric it was highlighted that "the bishop Adalbert first delivered for the earth of rug", was expelled from there "not on the not zeal, and owing to them (russ. — A.K.) zlonraviya".