Groundhogs Vladislav Yuryevich

Groundhogs Vladislav Yuryevich

Biography

Was born on September 21, 1964. Russian statesman, author of the concept of sovereign democracy. Till May, 2013 - the Deputy Prime Minister of Russia.

Origin, early years

Authentic the birthplace of Vladislav Surkov is not clear. According to the website of the President of Russia, Vladislav Surkov was born in the village of Solntsevo of the Lipetsk region. According to other data — in the village Duba-Yurt of the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Republic. Surkov said in an interview to the Der Spiegel magazine that he lived the first five years in Chechnya, and his father — the Chechen.

"I with pride of everything say that let half, but I belong to this to the outstanding, beautiful, very strong and famous people in the world (Surkov Vladislav Yuryevich)".

Mother is Surkova Zoya Antonovna, on May 31, 1935 year of birth, arrived in Duba-Yurt in 1959 on distribution after the termination of the Lipetsk teacher training college to work in oak-yurtsky school.

The father is Dudaev Andarbek Danilbekovich, according to some information, as well as mother worked as the teacher at oak-yurtsky school too.

As journalists of some editions assume, a name of Vladislav Surkov at the birth — Dudaev Aslambek Andarbekovich. According to investigation of the Izvestia newspaper, at receipt in school and institute he hereinafter was referred to Vladislav Yuryevich Surkov and on the same name received the passport from what the author of article in Izvestia draws a conclusion that Surkov always had these a name, a middle name and a surname.

After the divorce of parents at the age of five years remained with mother and moved to the city of Skopin of the Ryazan region.

Education

Left secondary school No. 1 of the city of Skopin of the Ryazan region.

Studied at the Moscow institute of steel and alloys (MISIS) in 1982 — 1983 and three years — at the Moscow institute of culture at faculty of direction of the mass dramatized representations, but did not graduate from these universities.

In the late nineties graduated from the International university in Moscow. Master of economic sciences.

Is fluent in English.

Career

• In 1983 — 1985 Surkov served in the Soviet army, in one of artillery parts of the Southern group of troops in Hungary. In an interview to the Messages of Week program appearing on Russia TV channel, on November 12, 2006 the Minister of Defence of the Russian Federation Sergei Ivanov reported that he is ready to open to TV viewers "secret": Surkov, as well as the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Southern Federal District Dmitry Kozak, underwent conscription service in special troops of Main Intelligence Directorate.

• In 1987 headed advertizing department of the Center of cross-industry scientific and technical programs (The center was headed by Mikhail Khodorkovsky) — Fund of a youth initiative at the Frunze district committee of VLKSM[12].

• In 1988 headed the agency of market communications "Metapress".

• In 1992 — the president, the vice president of the Russian association of advertisers.

• In 1991 — 1996 held executive positions in Consolidation of the credit and financial enterprises "Menatep", (which was headed at that time by Mikhail Khodorkovsky), further — Menatep bank.

• In 1996 — 1997 — the deputy manager, the head of public relations of Rosprom Ltd; the first deputy chairman of the board of Commercial innovation bank "Alfa-Bank".

• In 1998 — 1999 — the First Deputy CEO, the director of public relations of JSC Public Russian Television.

• In 1999 — the assistant administrator of Administration of the President of the Russian Federation (Voloshina).

• Since August, 1999 — the Deputy Chief of the Russian President's Executive Office. United Russia is considered one of creators and ideologists of a batch.

• Since March, 2004 — the Deputy Chief of the Russian President's Executive Office — the Assistant to the President of the Russian Federation.

• In August, 2004 joined JSC Transnefteproduct the board, in September of the same year — it is elected the chairman of the board of directors of the company.

• One of inspirers of projects "Going Together" (2000) and movement "Nashi" (2005).

• Since May 15, 2008 — the First Deputy Chief of the Russian President's Executive Office.

Excerpts from article of the writer Alexander Dugin about results of work of Surkov in the Russian President Administration^[1]:

Putin what he was in the history personally had no relation to Surkov and was not obliged to it by anything. Putin was a team member of Yeltsin and the oligarchs surrounding it among whom Surkov held minor position – the dexterous manager, no more than that. Being Voloshin's helper, Surkov was engaged in Presidential Administration in coaching of the Duma – as well as earlier when it worked at Menatep or Alpha group, providing to oligarchical groups deputy support. Even if it is still indifferent for Putin, without Surkov he to hold all ideological system in a status of complete senselessness, forgery and a simulacrum just will not be able. Surkov – the phenomenon individual.

Growth of influence of Surkov fell on the Putin period and steadily increased up to 2011. In Russia in the 2000th years Surkov almost solely supervised the following directions:

1. Ideology (both the authorities, and opposition, including a various fan of the simulations phony companies opened and closed by the Kremlin at all stages repeatedly).

2. To the politician (establishing that is a mainstream, and that marginalitety, up to what batches pass what do not pass and what do not reach at all elections and who what percent of votes receives).

3. An information field (defining all structure of political broadcasting of the main national media which media regional strictly followed).

4. Society and culture (in sense of an output to a proscenium or, on the contrary, control and discredit of those figures which were designed to represent – or not to represent – "the Russian society" – for this purpose Surkov created and supervised Public chamber).

At the same time he and only he in all Russian political establishment understood how all this model functions as it is controlled and what index is attributed to each in the slightest degree famous political, ideological, public or cultural figure. It was function not just the puppeteer, but the demiurge. Surkov created the Russian political system of the 2000th years, and he sovereignly ruled it almost alone. He entirely controlled what philosophers call "discourse", i.e. structure and an algorithm of all range of the admissible political expressions which at Surkov's will got to this or that category – acceptable, limited, marginal or prohibited. Set these gradation and he proved too – with a support on the individual preferences.

At the same time it did it not on its own behalf (at it was not and there is for this purpose neither name, nor a position), but on behalf of the higher authority, i.e. on behalf of Putin and the political system of Russia realized in it. He ideally guessed specifics of the Russian political psychology: masses will accept anything, but only "on behalf of the tsar". But how to correlate this national monarchism, authoritarianism from below, to formal standards of democracy? Only Surkov could solve this dilemma - and he solved it.

In practice it provided to Putin the power for three terms (including Medvedev's control) and return in March, 2012 for 12 years. Here and answer to a riddle: why Putin suffered it so much time and allowed it to do in the Russian policy and ideology practically everything that will want. It was useful, effective, technological. How? What price? By what methods? And where it bent? - all this was minor and it is insignificant. The main thing - "it worked". Pragmatic Putin set tasks and received result. All the rest did not matter. Direct opponents of Putin cleaned up and repressed, the internal opposition was sprayed, competitors and possible alternatives were smoothed out and discredited, being sent to a non-existence or to the periphery. Everything worked like clock-work. It is no wonder that any voice which was distributed against Surkov on behalf of the Putin's supporters was ignored – if Surkov was criticized by opposition.

In such situation any project sent to Putin if it concerned one of four above the designated positions, either got to Surkov, or flew to a basket for garbage.

Most of all he loved the strategy of a mix, in the spirit of paradoxical combinations: liberal Westerners he tried to reforge in great power nationalists, oligarchs – in socialists, marginal persons – in dear spokesmen of a mainstream position, patriots – in democrats … But only so that the old identity was undermined, and new did not take roots.

When some vis-a-vis of Surkov gave up under the pressure of threats and promises, it brought him pleasure. "No, not on sale people", – he was convinced, – "a question only of the price and of competence of the promotion agent". Those who did not give in on this strategy paid high price.

Gradually Surkov completely centralized (in the hands) process of management of political processes – nobody could support with impunity and voluntarily financially some political force if it was not authorized by political management of Presidential Administration. The one who agreed with it not could feel on himself what such disobedience costs. Khodorkovsky's example is eloquent. Of course, Khodorkovsky's landing – not an initiative of Surkov, but she showed that she is to those who ignore the Kremlin rules. And these rules were developed by Surkov. They say, Khodorkovsky to the last was sure that "the person in the Kremlin" will not give him in offense. Khodorkovsky had incorrect ideas that it "".

Whether Surkov had an alternative in the Russian political life of the previous 12-year cycle? Was. But only one – London, i.e. Berezovsky and CIA. The one who did not want to play by rules of the Kremlin was doomed to going to Boris Abramovich Berezovsky. Along this route many Russian politicians – and not only liberals, but also communists, patriots and nationalists walked. And someone not one time.

So there was a model of two windows: money for policy could be received only either at Vladislav Yuryevich, or at Boris Abramovich. Formally, under what – did not matter: both that, and another financed both the liberal, and nationalist or leftist projects. But both demanded subordination and coordination, recognition of rules and observance of borders. At the same time Surkov protected a Putin system, and Berezovsky brought down it.

How could Surkov reach such volume of the individual power? Only owing to the fact that Putin qualitatively and essentially underestimates the sphere of domestic policy, ideology, an information field, culture and society. A fishing season the foreign policy, big economy and the energy sector and also accommodation of the loyal and checked people on the leading posts in the field of "real management" interests. On this area of Groundhogs of a great influence had no, and here its voice was rather consultative. It had no command (except technical managers), on key posts of the country of people loyal to it he did not advance, participated in the system of "big distribution" very slightly, by the residual principle. The ministries of the industry, the major posts, in a word, "хардвэр" the Russian statehood was out of its control. But here Software … It was provided in its maintaining.

Area of the ideas, including political, Putin, probably, considers something minor and insignificant; here he is anxious only with one – that everything was "smooth". Surkov provided it or, at least, created visibility that "everything is smooth". Creation of such political and social and ideological system which was clear only to one person in the country – to Vladislav Surkov was the price for "smoothness". All others knew only its parts. I can assume that also Putin does not understand it. The fact that the Putin's environment does not understand it, is the absolute fact.

And here such person resigns today, i.e. from the key position. Its new appointment has no weight. Upgrade – an informative chimera, as well as everything what Surkov touches. But distributings in the field of economy, GLONASS and even science have not a direct bearing on management of key political and ideological and cultural and social trends in country life. Surkov as functions, as key player as there is no chief manager of the political and ideological sphere, any more. In total. It is a revolution, the end of a cycle and this revolution. We live in new Russia already today. It is postsurkovsky Russia.

And systematized all four zones which were supervised by Surkov and which he organized according to the individual representations, tasks and capabilities, from now on remain almost vacant. But on start before their rapid and inevitable evolution, we can describe them as the products of a surkovsky demiurgiya which are subject to transformation and, most likely, disintegration. A lot of things, of course, will depend on these initial conditions in the future. It is necessary to understand that we begin not with net, and with the dirty sheet. Properly worked at these spots of Rorshakha Surkov.

So, what was left behind by Surkov in Russia?

Ideology

Surkov issued the understanding of ideology in a concept of "sovereign democracy". It is informative means: the authoritative board (for the purpose of observance of national interests – the sovereignty, main from them) disguised under formal democracy. So the dictatorship draped with democratic procedures where basic processes strictly are controlled from the center. Pavlovsky, other PR manager with whom till certain time Surkov was covered called it "the managed democracy".

At the same time an ideological dominant is the liberalism in economy, preserving of key positions behind large private business here. But the liberalism comes to an end where the zone of national interests and authoritative model of board begins. At the same time Surkov categorically did not accept socialism or nationalism, being the convinced modernist, the Westerner and the apologist of bourgeois values. In this formula there is a patriotism and liberalism which are strictly attracted to each other contrary to deep contradictions at ideological installations, and all that is beyond this "centaur" – for example, not liberal patriotism, social policy or actually liberal democracy (the western sample) – is strictly cut.

Politics

In policy Surkov extremely simplified a political landscape of Russia. In the beginning (2000-2004) it created a broad spectrum of political parties, the majority them which were sponsored by Presidential Administration and were completely under control of it. Against those which were financed by Berezovsky or CIA it entered drastic punitive measures (legal and economic character) and also direct repressions. The party area was typed by 2004 by a full range of the simulacra, doubles and baby's dummies creating visibility of pluralism and "a broad spectrum of the choice". At the same time preferences were given only to United Russia on which the main rate was made and which was entirely managed by Surkov almost solely. All other batches, including pro-Putin and pro-Kremlin, were delivered in unequal conditions and were artificially braked and filled up.

After 2004 a party system was once again simplified: small batches were abolished, requirements to them are toughened, the barrier of passing to the State Duma is raised. United Russia forced out all others and the majority of batches were closed. Exceptions were made only for the CPRF and LDPR. Besides, the Kremlin created a left-centrist simulacrum on behalf of Just Russia, but Surkov to this project had an explicit disgust, and it as required always showed it. At the same time the political projects managed from abroad were still strictly repressed. Therefore did not get to the Duma neither Yabloko, nor right. Tough prohibition was delivered also to nationalist parties, and success of Homeland created by the same Surkov (with the assistance of Marat Gelman) from obedient or semi-obedient nationalists, only frightened him, and he hurried to disband a batch. Since then from everywhere the popular Sergey Glazyev who broke a number of contracts with Administration and promptly departed for it in anywhere disappeared before.

At the same time United Russia, occupying the increasing political space both at the federal level, and in regions, was practically under construction as purely nominal education: this structure had no ideology, and it had purely technical, instrumental character. It was entered by officials and those who wanted to promote on service. In fact, the cover without any contents was created. The batch was in general "for Putin", but further it any interpretations did not follow. It for the political program was explicit not enough and the program was excessive here - its existence would force it to execute or, at least, to follow a certain and specific line. And it would be a restraining factor for political manipulations. As parliament of an era of Surkov – "not the place for discussions", so a batch (at least, the main) – "not the place for policy".

Any attempts to allocate United Russia with any ideological content, in the bud were nipped or turned into a notorious buffoonery. The batch grew, and its political contents thawed.

On elections of December, 2011 this process reached the culmination: the senselessness of such party project was at critical point.

Creation and dissolution of the Rodina Party and also the Right cause project (which disappeared even before elections, unlike Homeland which was dismissed after them) – typical models of work of Surkov in the party sphere. Routine episodes among thousands of others quite similar.

In the spirit of Surkov also the tandem model which extremely negatively affected political climate in Russia in recent years was constructed. The task was purely technology again: Medvedev (with an indicative support on ultraliberals from INSORA – Gontmakher, Jürgens, etc.) became the liberal facade of Russia for 4 years that it was designed to calm down the West and internal pro-American opposition, the expecting second Medvedev's term and repetition of the scenario on the model Gorbachev-Yeltsin. Waiting of the fact that the new reformer possibly himself (as to it Gorbachev and Yeltsin) will disorganize Russia after Putin "falls into oblivion", forced the USA to postpone the most stringent anti-Russian scenarios for several years. It it was also required.

But actually, in September, 2011 it became clear that Putin, having pretended earlier what thinks "of leaving on rest", returns, and everything is started over again. Technology calculation was correct and, by the way, the scheme worked.

The main directions in Surkov's policy technically came true. But gradually also shady sides collected. Everything was extremely effective, but at the same time it is absolutely senseless.

• On December 31, 2009 it is appointed the head of the working group "on project development of creation of territorially isolated complex for development of research and development and commercialization of their results". In June, 2010 was a part of the Board of trustees of Skolkovo Foundation.

• Since 2010 — the member of the board of trustees of Skolkovo Foundation.

• On December 27, 2011 it is appointed the Deputy Prime Minister of Russia.

• May 21, 2012. The decree of the President it is reassigned by the Deputy Prime Minister of Russia - the Chief of staff of the Government of the Russian Federation.

• In June, 2012 it is appointed the chairman of the government commission on implementation of IT in activity of state agencies and local government authorities

2013: Resignation from a post of the Deputy Prime Minister

On May 8, 2013 on the website of the Kremlin the decree of the president on resignation Vladislav Surkov from a position of the Deputy Prime Minister of Russia – the Chief of staff of the Government at own will, becoming effective in day of signing was published.

Wrote the withdrawal letter of Groundhogs next day after the meeting devoted to course of execution of the decrees of the president Vladimir Putin signed in day of his taking office of the head of state on May 7, 2012.

In its course Surkov as the cochairman of the Commission on implementation of provisions of decrees, reported that from 151 assignment given in development of decrees of Putin for 2012-2013 execution 50 cannot be recognized satisfactory.

"We together with Administration do everything to bring them in separate execution and to accompany including administrative efforts their final accomplishment", - Surkov at a meeting said.

About whether Vladislav Surkov and a post of the chairman of a pravkomissiya on implementation of IT in activity of state agencies leaves, in day of his resignation from a post of the deputy chairman of the government it was known not.

In 2019 Vladislav Surkov entered TOP 100 of thinkers of the present of the Foreign Policy magazine in the field of defense and bezopasnos. The prime minister of Bangladesh was located in the neighbourhood.

Criticism

At the beginning of 2010 American the congressman Ileana Ros-Leytinen called Surkov "one of the main ideologists of restriction of freedom of speech in Russia, prosecutions of the Russian journalists and representatives of opposition political parties".

V.Yu. Surkov's activity on a post of the Deputy Chief of the Russian President's Executive Office repeatedly was exposed to criticism from the Russian human rights activists and oppositional political figures who demanded Surkov's resignation. According to them, Surkov is a coordinator of illegal activities for a juggling of results of elections, destruction of the political competition, the organization of campaigns against public organizations and also on creation of "groups of young attack planes" like the movement "Nashi". Boris Nemtsov urged the senior director to leave across Russia of National Security council of the USA the Russian-American commission on questions of civil society which cochairman from Russia is Surkov.

Mikhail Prokhorov, being displaced in September, 2011 from a post of the Right cause party leader, called Surkov "the chief puppeteer of political process".

At the same time, Surkov stated approval to participants of protest meetings in Moscow on December 10 and 24, 2011 against falsification of results of State Duma elections of the Russian Federation of the sixth convocation, having called the people who took to the streets, "the best part of our society" from whose opinion it is impossible to wave away haughtily. About it the poet Dmitry Bykov wrote the fable "Groundhog on a Meeting".

Creative activity

Is fond of writing of symphonic music and stories. Likes to play the guitar. Took part in creation of albums "Peninsulas" and "Peninsulas 2" together with Vadim Samoylov as the author of texts. Has close ties among figures of the Russian rock. Great attention of the press was drawn by its meeting with the famous rock musicians organized by it and Boris Grebenshchikov. At a forum there were also participants of BI-2 groups, the Spleen, the Chaif, Vyacheslav Butusov, Zemfira, producers Dmitry Groysman and Alexander Ponomaryov. According to Grebenshchikov, at a meeting it was talked of perspectives of the independent musical market in Russia. In Novaya Gazeta were also suggested that the purpose of a forum was to secure with loyalty of musicians in case of political instability, however this version in an interview was rejected by many participants of a meeting.

In the summer of 2009 the assumption was published in the Vedomosti newspaper that Surkov is this author of the novel "Okolonolya" published earlier in the supplement to the Russky Pioner magazine (the author declared a certain Nathan Dubovitsky). Surkov did not confirm in the beginning and did not deny this version, however wrote the review of the novel. In November, 2009 the writer Victor Erofeyev in an interview to "The literary newspaper" confirmed Surkov's authorship.

On October 20, 2011 A.P. Torshin, the First Deputy Chairman of the Federation Council of Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, confirmed Surkov's authorship on Twitter, having reported that "the book in places is autobiographical".

Private life

The first wife is Yulia Vishnevskaya (the sister of the wife of Anatoly Chubais), the creator of the museum of dolls, and his son since 2004 live in London.

The second wife is Natalia Dubovitskaya, the housewife. For 2010 earned 85.2 million rubles.

Four children (including three — from second marriage).

Awards and titles

* the Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" 3rd Class (on November 13, 2003) — for a big contribution to strengthening of the Russian statehood and long-term fair work. * Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (on January 18, 2010) — for active participation in preparation of the message of the President of the Russian Federation to Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. * Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (on June 12, 2004) — for active participation in preparation of the Message of the President of the Russian Federation to Federal Assembly for 2004. * Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (on July 8, 2003) — for active participation in preparation of the Message of the President of the Russian Federation to Federal Assembly for 2003. * Stolypin P.A. Medal. The II degrees (on September 21, 2011). * the Certificate of honor of Russian Central Election Commission (on April 2, 2008) — for active assistance and substantial assistance in the organization and elections of the President of the Russian Federation. * Valid state councilor of the Russian Federation of 1 class.

Notes