Navalny Aleksei Anatolyevich
Central Federal District of the Russian Federation
Moscow
Community and non-profit structures
04.06.1976
Alexey Anatolyevich Navalny (b. June 4, 1976, Moscow Region) - Russian political and public figure, publicist. Member of investigations into corruption in the informatization of state organizations.
Advisor to the Governor of the Kirov Region, former SPS leader Nikita Belykh, creator of the Fund for Support of Initiatives of the Governor of the Kirov Region.
One of the founders of the National Russian Liberation[1], a former member of the Federal Political Council of the Yabloko party, executive secretary of the Committee for the Protection of Muscovites[2]"
In 2008, he founded the public organization "Union of Minority Shareholders," which protects the rights of private investors.[3] working on the problem of increasing transparency of spending by natural monopolies.
The author of one of the most rated socio-political and business blogs in LiveJournal.[4][5]
In 1998 he graduated from the Law Faculty of the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia.
In 2001 he graduated from the Faculty of Finance and Credit of the Financial Academy under the Government of the Russian Federation.
1993: Braiding - Parents' Business
Since 1992 he has been living in Moscow. Nominally, student Navalny became a businessman in his 1st year. In 1993, he entered the law faculty of Peoples' Friendship University (at Moscow State University, 1 point was not perfect)[6].
And it was his parents - retired officer Anatoly and economist Lyudmila Navalny - who organized their business, the Kobyakov factory for braiding. The same factory where Lyudmila Navalny worked went bankrupt. "And so the parents rented an abandoned village club nearby, lured the masters there, convincing them not to retrain as guards, and re-created the Kobyakov factory," Navalny recalls. He co-founded, but at first did not participate in affairs at all. He decided to earn money in his specialty - the time was as follows: "It was clear that all teachers were very divorced from real life, and it seemed that you did not need to do this study, but you had to go to work - and you would earn immediately a billion dollars."
The braiding factory in the village of Kobyakovo, Odintsovo district, founded back in the 30s. XX century, managed to visit the promartel, collective farms named after Stalin and "The Way to Communism," furniture production ― until at the end of 1993 it became a private enterprise owned by the Navalny family.
Bulk controls all 100% of the authorized capital of the factory. According to the SPARK database, 25% each belongs to the head of the family Anatoly Ivanovich and his wife Lyudmila Ivanovna, 25% each ― their sons Alexei and Oleg. Anatoly Ivanovich is the general director, and Lyudmila Ivanovna ― the commercial director of the enterprise.
Photo © "Marker.ru"
Relations with the authorities were difficult. In the beginning, the local leadership fully supported the family business. In 1995, the factory was included in the list of folk crafts, which allowed it to use, although small, but benefits ― primarily tax. The head of the administration of the Odintsovo district, Alexander Gladyshev, repeatedly thanked Anatoly Navalny in writing for his great personal contribution to socio-economic development and initiative in the field of entrepreneurial activity.
But already in 1998, by the decree of the governor of the region Anatoly Tyazhlovaot on August 31, 1998 No. 260-PG, the scrap business was deleted from the list of folk crafts. The factory lost even those small benefits that it had. According to local residents, the heyday of the business fell on 2005-2007, when up to 30 craftsmen worked on Navalny. Tourist groups, including foreign ones, came to the factory.
As of September 2011, only four craftsmen weave baskets and furniture. Tourists are also not allowed into the factory. "It's not profitable for us," says Lyudmila Ivanovna. "Time takes away, and does not bring income." The factory finds most of its customers at exhibitions, interrupting with one-time special orders ― for example, weaving chairs for the Bolshoi and Maly theaters.
However, the factory does not lose hope of a revival, complaining only that young people do not want to learn to weave. And the income, according to Alexei Navalny, is enough for his parents to exist comfortably.
However, the sale of braided products ― not the only source of income for the factory. The company owns two more roadside grocery stores.
Photo © "Marker.ru"
Navalny's employee, seller Svetlana, smokes one cigarette after another. It works, perhaps, in the main outlet, on the street. Central in the village of Kobyakovo, which brings the family the main income. The assortment of the store, as expected, is roadside: some products, cheap alcohol and cigarettes.
"It's all bad right now," she says. - In the summer it was still normal, cars stopped, bought, there was good revenue. Now no one takes anything at all, half of the men have already passed, and there are only 600 rubles at the box office. All the damned hypermarkets. " Bulk pay Svetlana 500 rubles. for exit and 4% of revenue.
The exit is a shift of 24 hours, a day after three. In the absence of good revenue, this means that Sveta has to live on 125 rubles. per day. "I used to work part-time back in Golitsin, not far here," she continues. - But there they paid even less, 300 rubles. for exit. I would leave here, but here the team is united, and Lyudmila Ivanovna ― a very good person. "
The second outlet ― on the Minsk highway. The store building belongs to Navalny, but from this year it is rented out. In addition to products, there was also a "Salon of braided products," but it was already closed ― not a season. "They and the store on Central wanted to rent out," says a local vendor. - But, apparently, they asked for too much money. I think they are tired of this business. Sales do not go, and renting out space is much easier. "
However, this building belongs to Navalny temporarily. At the end of 2010, it was suddenly urgently needed by the Ministry of Transport for state needs. Order on the seizure of the building and land plot dated December 8, 2009 No. 530-r has already been signed.
1996: Bank, work for Chigirinsky
Navalny went to work at Aeroflot Bank: "I remember sitting and writing all sorts of claims like: immediately return our billion. But I didn't go directly to the courts. " Billions were not returned to the bank - in January 1997, the Central Bank revoked his license.
The next place of work was the development "ST-group" of Alexander and Shalva Chigirinsky (now it is called "Snegiri"). "Navalny came in 1998 on the announcement," recalls the current general director of Snegirey, Gennady Melkumyan, who headed the company's legal department in those years. "We considered several candidates, settled on him: he is smart, quickly catches."
Navalny recalls that the Chigirinsky was also engaged in currency control: "There was a completely idiotic law on currency regulation, which monstrously prevented work. Then [in this business] there were supposedly international transactions: then foreigners buy buildings, then foreign loans. But in practice, these were transactions between Russian companies in foreign jurisdictions - we constantly fell under this law. "
Navalny left the ST Groups in 1999, shortly after the crisis. "A lot of developers were rumbling then. Bank 'SBS-agro', to which we built a lot, - too, - he explains. - Then a lot of people fled [from the company]. And it also seemed to me that I had to go to a new job in order to earn more. "
In the same year, he received a law degree. Navalny regrets that he worked part-time at the same time as his studies: "You have five years to study - you need to study, and not do any garbage."
1997-2000: Permitting, Exchange, Logistics
Back in 1997, Navalny registered Allekt LLC. At the Chigirinsky, in addition to currency control, he was engaged in antimonopoly legislation - he received permits for sales and purchase transactions. 'I got my head around it fast enough. There were a huge number of people who asked me for advice on this case, "Navalny recalls. "And I thought that now I can perfectly do the same, but without any Chigirinsky."
He had two customers who "provided regular orders." The rest of the customers found it on word of mouth. "Here are the people who are selling the building, they need to get the deal done in a month. They gave me documents, I issued everything in the antimonopoly service for a month and received my $700, "says Navalny. In a good month, he could earn $4,000-5,000.
In 1997, Navalny founded Nesna LLC, whose main activity was hairdressing services. The society, judging by the SPARK database, handed over the "zero" declarations for some time, and then it was sold.
He opened two more businesses in the early 2000s together with friends in law enforcement - "N.N. Securitiz" and "Eurasian Transport Systems." Navalny says he worked with each of these firms (and received money from it) for about a year.
"N.N. Securities" - "a company that traded on the securities exchange." By that time, Navalny received a second higher education in absentia - at the Financial Academy, a specialty - "exchange business." "N.N. [in the name of the company] means Nesterenko and Navalny. I had a friend at the institute, Vanya Nesterenko, he is one of the leaders of Mosfundamentstroy-6. We had a small amount that Vanin's dad gave. And for some time we traded quite successfully, "says Navalny. And then "one of the exchange crises happened." "It turned out funny: in our group everyone worked on the stock exchange, of course, and out of 12 people, eight companies went bankrupt. We also went broke, "says Navalny.
"Euro-Asian transport systems," according to Navalny, "is also a company from those romantic times, when everyone believed that, whatever you do, everything will begin to bring you a huge amount of money. My friend and I made such an office with a pretentious name, it was just engaged in logistics. " They decided to make money on loading cars bringing goods to Moscow - in order not to drive back empty, the drivers gave a discount. "They came to the metro station, there were aunt traders who worked with drivers and agreed on how to carry goods," Navalny laughs. He did not go to the aunts - he was responsible for legal support and finance. The partners soon went their separate ways. According to Navalny, "this business was interesting, you could make a lot of money on it, but it is very dreary."
And Navalny had already worked at Yabloko by that time: the money brought by Allect, N.N. Securitiz and Eurasian Transport Systems allowed him to "do what he liked, but did not bring money."
2000: Apple
Navalny also came to Yabloko on an announcement he saw on the party's website. It was 2000, when Vladimir Putin had already become president. Navalny remembers that then the first conversations began about increasing the entrance barrier to the State Duma for political parties. "It was understandable that this was directed against the Apple and the SPS. At least I was not a big fan of Yabloko and SPS, I thought: and I'll just take it and enter from the principle "#[6].
Navalny was accepted as a candidate candidate, and he stayed in this status for about a year. "Immediately began to be active in the Moscow" Apple, "spoke at meetings, put forward proposals. Later he entered my team, "recalls the leader of the Yabloko party, Sergei Mitrokhin.
At first, Navalny worked for Yabloko in his main specialty - he became an activist of mobile legal groups participating in regional elections. For this work "they paid ridiculous money: on the road and a fee of 2000-3000 rubles."
In 2001, he became a member of the party. Ilya Yashin, with whom Navalny worked side by side for several years, says that the party paid the functionaries little: Navalny worked for $300 a month - he headed the protest group.
In 2002, he was elected to the regional council of the Moscow branch of the Yabloko party.
From April 2004 to February 2007 - Chief of Staff of the Moscow Regional Branch of the Yabloko RODP.
2005-2006: "Yes!" Movement
In 2005, at party work, Navalny made friends with functionaries from the Union of Right Forces - Maria Gaidar, Nikita Belykh, Natalia Morar. "It was during a period of romantic friendship between SPS and Apple," he says. With Gaidar, Navalny created the "Democratic Alternative" ("YES!"). Coordinated the project "Police with the people."
Since 2006, one of the projects "YES!" were political debates held in clubs - they were led by Navalny himself[7]chief editor of his television version "Fight Club" (TVC]], 2007). The debate was a success. "It became clear that there are a lot of people, we need to bring it to some new capacities," Yashin recalls. Gaidar and Navalny began to send out applications for grants.
"One grant was received from the Public Chamber - $15,000. We ourselves were surprised that we received it, "says Navalny. Immediately bought furniture in the office "YES!," Which was located in the area of Art. m. "Novokuznetskaya." The second grant - also for $15,000 - was given by the American National Endowment for Democracy. The money was spent mainly on renting halls for debates. "Since the debate was very successful, the Americans offered us more money, but we refused - provocations began at the debate," Navalny says. And the project was curtailed.
As the host of the Political Debates, Navalny took a direct part in the incidents during the debates of Maria Gaidar and Eduard Bagirov, as well as Maxim Kononenko and Yulia Latynina, which were widely covered in the press.[8][9][10][11][12][13][14]
2007: Exclusion from the Apple, People Movement
Cooperation with the SPS at least once allowed Navalny to earn money. In the 2007 elections, his company Allekt became an agent of the SPS for outdoor advertising. Through Allekt, SPS purchased advertisements for 99 million rubles. Navalny received a commission of 5% from this money, that is, 5 million rubles. "The documents were given to the CEC, it was an official payment," he emphasizes.
Navalny was expelled from Yabloko in December 2007. According to the party, for nationalist propaganda (on June 23, 2007, he created the People movement with National Ball Zakhar Prilepin). According to Navalny himself, for criticizing the founder of the party, Grigory Yavlinsky.
In December 2007, during a meeting of the Yabloko Party Bureau on the expulsion of Navalny from the party, he demanded "the immediate resignation of the party chairman and all his deputies, the re-election of at least 70% of the Bureau."[15] Expelled from the Yabloko party with the wording "for causing political damage to the party, in particular, for nationalist activities."[16]
Offshore registration of Glavpodpiska LLC
According to the Izvestia newspaper (December 2012), Glavpodpiska is 99% owned by the Cypriot company Alortag Management Limited. In his interviews, Alexei Navalny does not deny that he was the founder of this company. "There is nothing secret and criminal in this, lawyers often work with offshore companies," notes A. Navalny. The nominal founder and general director was Navalny's acquaintance, who really did not work in the company, the ICR website claims.
From the extract on Alortag Management Limited from the Cypriot register, which was at the disposal of Izvestia, it follows that a company with an authorized capital of 1,000 euros was created in December 2007. another firm is Koureon Management Limited.
The same company served as director, and Horacen Secret Limited is listed as secretary. Both Koureon and Horacen are created by British citizen Michael Shane Smith. Koureon Management provides professional nominee services.
At the same time, Koureon was the owner of a 100% stake in Arivust Holdings Limited, which allegedly owns V. Stepanov, one of the defendants in the Magnitsky case. The secretary in V. Stepanov's company was Horacen. Thus, the companies of A. Navalny and V. Stepanov served the same Cypriot companies.
Izvestia emphasized that A. Navalny became the main one of those who "promoted" the name of V. Stepanov: in the blog of the oppositionist in 2011. a lot of time was devoted to the campaign against the ex-husband of the ex-head of the Moscow tax inspectorate No. 28 Olga Stepanova.
2008-2011: Minority
Mail deal with Yves Rocher
In the spring of 2008, Oleg Navalny, being the head of the Department of Internal Mail of the branch of FSUE Russian Post - Automated Sorting Centers, "fraudulently" convinced representatives of one of the trading companies with foreign capital operating in Russia to conclude an agreement for the cargo transportation of mail with the "Main Subscription Agency." According to the TFR, it was planned to provide cargo transportation services "at a deliberately inflated cost" and "not by the forces of a company created by Navalny, which did not have the necessary material base for this, but with the help of another transport enterprise, which was headed by an acquaintance of Oleg Navalny."
From August 2008 to May 2011, this transport company carried the mail of a foreign company along the route Yaroslavl - Moscow, the TFR said. "Established" that for these services the trading company transferred a much larger amount to the settlement account of the "Main Subscription Agency" than the volume of cargo transportation. With the real cost of transporting goods in the amount of no more than 31 million rubles, which were actually carried out by the transport company, more than 55 million rubles were transferred to the account of the Main Subscription Agency for allegedly rendered transportation services. The investigation believes that Oleg and Alexei Navalny stole this money from a foreign company fraudulently. The brothers spent most of this amount on their own needs, the investigation knows. More than 19 million rubles. for the purpose of legalization "Bulk on fictitious grounds and contracts allegedly for renting non-residential premises, for raw materials and materials transferred from the settlement account of the so-called laying company to the settlement account of the'Kobyakovskaya factory for braiding', the founders of which were also brothers, "the Investigative[17] said in a statement[17]..
In December 2012, the Izvestia newspaper named the company affected by the actions of the Navalny brothers - this is Yves Rocher. The Russian "daughter" of the international company ("Yves Roche Vostok") confirmed that they applied for the protection[18] their interests in the case of A. Navalny[18]
Exposure of theft in state-owned companies
Navalny left the Yabloko party, but did not stop being an activist. On the contrary, he began a project that brought him real recognition - exposing theft in state-owned companies. In the spring of 2008, Navalny for about 300,000 rubles. bought shares of five oil and gas companies: Rosneft, Gazprom, Lukoil, Surgutneftegaz, Gazprom Neft. And he began to fight for his rights as a minority shareholder - to demand information disclosure from companies, publish abuses, write statements to law enforcement agencies, etc.
The first high-profile action (and a post in Navalny's live magazine) took place in May 2008 and was dedicated to the Gunvor oil trader, co-owned by Putin's acquaintance Gennady Timchenko. Navalny demanded that Rosneft and Surgutneftegaz explain why they export oil through Gunvor.
"Obviously these people are robbing," Navalny says. "I decided to go absolutely formal - just frostbite: well, if they rob, I will write to the police!"
Navalny said:By my second education, I am a securities specialist, so I have always followed the stock market and the state of our corporations in general. The fact that they steal their shareholders was always obvious to me.<…> The first thing that interested me was the strange situation with the offshore oil trader Gunvor. I have been confident and confident so far that Gunvor's profits are funds that have actually been stolen from me and other shareholders. Therefore, I demanded to disclose the conditions under which this intermediary works.[2]
Repeatedly noted in the publications of Forbes magazine, Novaya Gazeta, Vedomosti, Kommersant newspapers, and other publications.
It's gone. Navalny recalls that "the police rained down on him and in general everything in the world, they said: there is an interesting case and we are ready to transfer the materials." Navalny published posts "How they saw at Gazprom," "How they saw at VTB," "How they saw at Transneft," etc.
In the fall of 2008, Navalny came MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS to Pavel Zhesterov, senior investigator for particularly important cases of the Investigative Committee. The investigator for 1.5 years unsuccessfully dealt with a criminal case about how Gazprom's subsidiary, "," Mezhregiongaz purchased Novatek's gas for several years not directly, but through the Trastinvestgaz intermediary, who earned over 2 billion rubles from this. "The main problem was that there was no victim statement in the case," says Zhesterov. "Neither" Gazprom nor "Mezhregiongaz" considered themselves such. " No statement - no case. The victim was Navalny, who had 10 shares of Gazprom.
The efforts of Navalny and Gesterov did not end in anything. In the spring of 2009, the criminal case was seized from Gesterov, and terminated in the summer. But after this story, employees of the DEB and UBEP began to contact Zhesterov with questions, or whether they could also receive a statement from Navalny. Zhesterov says that he sent their requests to Navalny, he traveled, watched the materials and decided whether to write a statement to him. Navalny says that this happened once or twice.
In 2009, Alexei Navalny was recognized as the person of the year of the authoritative Russian business newspaper Vedomosti[19]
In the case of drilling platforms, which VTB Leasing bought through intermediaries, overpaying 1.5 times, former Yukos lawyer Pavel Ivlev helped Navalny. Navalny told him the story of the drilling rigs in the United States - Ivlev has been living there since 2004, and Navalny completed an internship at Yale University. Navalny, Ivlev recalls, complained that he could not find the beneficiaries of the offshore, where the money from the transaction settled. "I told him that I know Cyprus well, I registered a lot of firms there myself, suggested where to go," says Ivlev. "We can say that thanks to me, Navalny filed a lawsuit in Cyprus, saying that he was deceived by $150 million as a shareholder of VTB."
After Navalny's ill-wishers hacked into his mail in 2011, the question arose of how disinterested Navalny's struggle against crooks and thieves was. From his correspondence with political scientist Stanislav Belkovsky, it follows that in January 2010 Belkovsky ordered Navalny to campaign against Oleg Deripaska's UC Rusal for $50,000 - the company was just conducting an IPO on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. Within a few days, Navalny published several posts on the current topic (why you don't need to buy UC Rusal shares) in his "live magazine," an article in Vedomosti (on the Comments page) and on Slon.ru.
Navalny and Belkovsky unanimously say that it is this part of their correspondence that is fake. But when asked whether Navalny received money from Belkovsky, they unexpectedly give an affirmative answer: he received, but not for the campaign against Deripaska, but for the creation of the People movement.
"Between 2006 and 2008, I personally helped Navalny with money," Belkovsky recalls. - I was looking for people who could replace Putin's generation of politicians. Therefore, I helped for no pragmatic reason. I helped many<...> Give some money for the national democratic project and the People movement - that's all the help. " A little is "several tens of thousands of dollars," Belkovsky refused to name the exact amount. "I don't think this amount exceeds $20,000," Navalny said. "The money went to conferences, the arrival of people, etc."
Belkovsky met Navalny when he was still working at Yabloko, seeing in him "a suitable person to become a politician of a new generation," the political scientist recalls. "Belkovsky came up to me and said: here, you are doing everything right, well done, and somehow on this topic they became friends with him. He introduced me a lot to whom, "says Navalny.
Belkovsky became famous in 2003. On June 9, the National Strategy Council established by him published the report "State and Oligarchy," from which it followed that the oligarchs were preparing a coup d'etat, and the head of Yukos, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, was almost the main conspirator. Platon Lebedev was arrested in the same June, and Khodorkovsky in late October. Former Yukos top managers are convinced that Igor Sechin (then deputy head of the presidential administration, the mastermind of the Yukos case) ordered Belkovsky's report.
Belkovsky does not comment on his relationship with Sechin. "Belkovsky is considered a lot of whose agent, but he gave me money only for" People, "- insists[6].
2009-2012: Advocate
Navalny became a lawyer in 2009 when he worked in the Kirov region - Governor Nikita Belykh (former chairman of the SPS) called him a freelance adviser. Freelance - i.e. without a salary, Navalny lived, as he says, on income from the legal practice of "Allekta."
In Kirov, Navalny received the status of a lawyer - passed exams and entered the local chamber. "I just, having counted everything, realized that it was much more profitable for me to become a lawyer - there are fewer taxes," Navalny explains. - As a lawyer, I now pay 13% income tax and fixed insurance rates. And if I just have Romashka LLC, I have to pay income tax, dividends, etc. "
Until recently, only one client of Navalny, a lawyer, was widely known - their family Kobyakovskaya factory, from which, according to a certificate that walks the Internet, he received 750,000 rubles in 2010. Navalny does not comment on the amount, but says this about the case: "At this factory there is a store that is located on the Minsk highway. The minka is reconstructed, the store is demolished. This road had to be sued. Well, when the object is demolished, they must pay compensation. Therefore, they need some kind of work there, I do them - they pay. "
In November 2011, Navalny had a more serious client - he was invited to become his lawyer by the above-mentioned Ivlev. Why did he hire Navalny, especially considering that he already has one lawyer - Konstantin Rivkin? "He needs my examination, in addition, he just wants to take a famous person," Navalny explains. "The Yukos case in which I go through the accused is political. So why don't I build a defense with politics? "Explains Ivlev.
The size of Navalny's fee, according to Ivlev, is $10,000 in rubles at the Central Bank rate per month, which "is more than a modest amount by New York standards. It's not the money that makes a revolution. "
Ivlev is the co-founder and executive director of the American Institute of Modern Russia, created in 2010. The second co-founder is the son of Mikhail Khodorkovsky Pavel, who is also the president of the institute. The institute's website says that Pavel Khodorkovsky created it in order to continue the work of his father, who established the Open Russia Foundation in 2001. "Our mission," says the institute's website, "is to promote democratic values and institutions and involve civil society in the development of the rule of law and freedoms in Russia through grant programs."
One of the institute's trustees is Margery Kraus, founder of APCO Worldwide, a Washington-based consultancy that runs lobbying campaigns around the world. Mikhail Khodorkovsky, as well as the widow of Badri Patarkatsishvili Inna Gudavadze, resorted to the services of APCO Worldwide.
The institute does not disclose sponsors. A source surrounded by Mikhail Khodorkovsky says that Khodorkovsky was the first sponsor. "In my opinion, Khodorkovsky Sr. is aware that Navalny is now my lawyer, and supports this decision," Ivlev says. "But that's my personal money. Neither Khodorkovsky nor the Institute of Modern Russia have anything to do with it. " "Believe it or not: I was surprised to learn about this fact [that Ivlev invited Navalny] from his lawyers," Khodorkovsky told Vedomosti.
According to Navalny, in order to ensure his personal needs, he needs two or three such clients as Ivlev: "I have a little expenses[6].
Criminal case against a subscription agency
In December 2012, the Investigative Committee opened a criminal case against A. Navalny, his brother Oleg Navalny and "other persons" on fraud worth 55 million rubles. From the statement of the department it follows that in the center of the scandal - LLC "Main Subscription Agency" ("Glavpodpiska"), created by A. Navalny in 2007 (see above)[18]
2013: Kirovles Criminal Case
The investigation of the Kirovles case was stopped several times due to the lack of corpus delicti. However, in the summer of 2012, it was resumed after the actions of employees of the regional department of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, who closed the Navalny case, were criticized by the head of the department, Alexander Bastrykin. The official representative of the RF IC Vladimir Markin said that the investigation of the Kirovles case was accelerated, as Navalny "teased the authorities."
On April 12, 2013, Alexei Navalny posted on his blog the full text of the indictment in the Kirovles case filed against him. The accused provided the text with his own comments proving, in his opinion, the failure of the arguments of the investigators.
According to investigators, Navalny decided to steal the property of the Kirovles state enterprise. To do this, he allegedly took advantage of the post of adviser to the governor of the Kirov region, which he has held on a voluntary basis since 2009.
The investigation believes that shortly before his official appointment to the post, Navalny introduced the general director of Kirovles Vyacheslav Opalev to Pyotr Ofitserov, who is in the case as the second accused. Opalev at that time already knew that Navalny would soon become an adviser to the governor, and in this regard agreed at his request to provide Ofitserov with information about the activities of Kirovles, the document says.
The investigation believes that soon after that the Officers, at the direction of Navalny, registered a company in his name called the Vyatka Forest Company. The oppositionist allegedly told Opalev about the creation of this company and explained that its task would be to mediate the sale of wood mined by Kirovles. The general director of the enterprise understood that in fact this would lead to the embezzlement of the property entrusted to him, but accepted this offer, the indictment says.
After that, at the beginning of spring 2009, Vyatka Forest Company signed with Kirovles a deliberately unprofitable, according to the investigation, agreement on the supply of wood, and then several appendices to it. According to investigators, the documents provided for the sale of products by Kirovles to an intermediary at a deliberately low price. The conclusion says that in the case of direct settlements with the final recipients of wood, the company's revenue would be significantly higher.
At the same time, Opalev, the investigation believes, at the direction of Navalny, forbade Kirovles branches to independently sell products to customers and obliged them to work exclusively through the Vyatka Forest Company. As a result, all profits from the sale of wood allegedly went to the company established by the Officer, and not to Kirovles. The investigation estimated the amount of damage caused to the enterprise at 16.2 million rubles.
In turn, Navalny claims that Opalev, whose testimony formed the basis of the indictment, is ready to give any testimony to the investigation, since he himself is afraid of criminal prosecution. In particular, according to Navalny, in January 2011, a criminal case was opened against Opalev on abuse of authority related to his activities as head of Kirovles. Subsequently, the case was closed under unclear circumstances, and Opalev began to testify against Navalny and Ofitserov. Nevertheless, in the Kirovles case, in which Navalny and Officers are held, Opalev has already been sentenced to four years of suspended imprisonment.
Navalny also notes that the unprofitability of the agreement concluded by Kirovles with the Vyatka Forest Company is not confirmed in the case file by any documents. In addition, the investigation, according to him, did not provide any information about the actual value of the allegedly stolen property, which does not allow us to seriously talk about a conscious underestimation of the price. As Navalny has repeatedly stated, VLK bought the forest at average market prices, and the volume of purchases was, according to him, only two percent of Kirovles' total turnover.
The indictment gives a transcript of Navalny's negotiations with a lot of profanity. "When we were presented with it" Here, listening to negotiations from the FSB, "after reading it, we immediately said:" Well, close the case immediately. Of course, it follows from this wiretap that Navalny swears through a word, but not a single word indicating that someone plundered the forest/money, planned the embezzlement, divided profits or something like that, no, "Navalny wrote on the blog.
According to the case file, Navalny is accused of organizing the embezzlement of Kirovles property on an especially large scale (part 3 of article 33, part 4 of article 160 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation), he faces up to ten years in prison. The officer faces a similar punishment for complicity in the commission of a crime. The trial of Navalny and Officer will begin in Kirov on April 17, 2013. At the same time, the case will begin to be considered immediately on the merits, without preliminary hearings. Navalny's defense considers this a serious procedural violation[20]
Earlier, Navalny had already published on his blog all related documents of the Vyatka Forest Company. According to the oppositionist, they prove his innocence.
2019: Raising $3.2 million in bitcoins
By April 24, 2019, the Anti-Corruption Fund (FBK) of Alexei Navalny attracted donations in the amount of 594 bitcoins over three years. At the exchange rate on the day of the publication of this information, we are talking about the amount of $3.2 million.
Navalny's bitcoin wallet was created in December 2016. By April 24, 2019, more than 2 thousand transactions were made through it, including for withdrawals. The size of most donations ranged from a few shares of bitcoin to several units of cryptocurrency. However, there were also large operations in which senders listed up to 20 bitcoins.
In addition to cryptocurrency, the oppositionist collects money through the PayPal payment system and bank transfers.
According to the FBK Employee Confession Telegram channel, Navalny spent more than 47 million rubles during his foreign trips. In particular, in April 2018, when Navalny was vacationing with his family in Egypt, 3 bitcoins were withdrawn from his account - more than 1 million rubles. In May of the same year, 5 more bitcoins were removed from the wallet - then the oppositionist was on vacation in Italy. Also in 2018, the politician visited Latvia, Hungary, Poland, Germany, the USA, Austria and Spain - during these trips, almost 90 bitcoins were withdrawn from his accounts. Another 9.9 bitcoins were removed in January 2019, when Navalny was vacationing in Thailand.
As the author of the channel notes, the dates of withdrawal of funds from bitcoin wallets belonging to Navalny, on which large amounts come to him , coincide with the dates of the opposition's trips abroad.
At the same time, the author of the publication doubts that donations (the so-called "donations") to Navalny's wallets are transferred by ordinary supporters of the blogger, because more than 90% of their total amount are one-time transfers of more than 380 thousand rubles.[21]
As the Znak.com head of Navalny's headquarters, Leonid Volkov, explained, the authors of the investigation into bitcoin expenses, the politician took open information about all payments to the bitcoin wallet, chose the largest transactions and tried to tie them to this or that investigation.
2020
Poisoning in Tomsk
On the morning of August 20, 2020, Alexei Navalny fell into a coma as a result of severe toxicological poisoning.
His press secretary is sure that he was deliberately poisoned at the airport in Tomsk, doctors talk about poisoning with an unidentified psychodisleptic.
Anatoly Kalinichenko, deputy head physician of the Omsk emergency hospital No. 1, clarified that Navalny is still receiving symptomatic treatment. Now the oppositionist is on mechanical ventilation.
"During today, I think we will accurately determine the diagnosis," the doctor added.
Employees of the Investigative Committee arrived at the hospital where Navalny is located.
On October 14, 2020, Alexei Navalny named the names of the people who paid for his treatment in the Berlin clinic "Charite," in which the Russian opposition got after the poisoning. Among those who provided him with financial support is programmer Roman Ivanov (also known as Kukutz), who has been working at Yandex for about 16 years and is in charge of the development of Yandex.Browser.
The names of the people who paid for Navalny's treatment in Germany are named
On October 14, 2020, Navalny announced that the flight from Omsk to Berlin cost 79 thousand euros and was paid by businessman Boris Zimin. The bill for the hospital amounted to 49.9 thousand euros.
In addition to Roman Ivanov, businessman Yevgeny Chichvarkin and ex-deputy chairman of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation Sergei Aleksashenko transferred money for Navalny's treatment.
Navalny added that "a huge number" of other people offered help, but it did not work out to accept it "for reasons of complex regulation of the European banking system."
Here you will go crazy while you make these payments correctly, if you want to do everything honestly, "he wrote on his Instagram page. |
The cost of the rehabilitation course, which the politician continues in Berlin by mid-October 2020, has not yet been determined. The costs of it were borne by Chichvarkin.
Chichvarkin explained why he decided to help Navalny. According to him, he met the oppositionist and his wife Julia in London about 8 years ago. Since then, the businessman has regularly helped the opposition - transferring donations to the Anti-Corruption Foundation and paying lawyers.
When asked what share of the amount mentioned by Navalny 49.9 thousand euros was paid by the businessman, Chichvarkin replied: "Noticeable."
Sergei Aleksashenko also confirmed to the publication the transfer of money for Navalny's treatment and explained his decision by saying that he "considers it right." What share paid is not an issue to be discussed, he said.[22]
2021: Roskomnadzor of the Russian Federation blocked the website of Alexei Navalny
Roskomnadzor of the Russian Federation blocked the website of Alexei Navalny at the request of the Prosecutor General's Office in July 2021. The foundation is Article 15.3 (a site calling for riots, extremist activities, participation in mass (public) events held in violation of the established procedure).
After the return of Alexei Navalny from Germany, he was replaced with a suspended sentence for a real one (in the Yves Rocher case) and put in a pokrovskaya IK-2 for three years.
2022: Imprisonment for 9 years in a maximum security colony
On March 22, 2022, Alexei Navalny was sentenced to 9 years in prison in a maximum security colony and a fine of 1.2 million rubles. in a criminal case of fraud and insulting the court.
According to investigators, the oppositionist laundered more than 2.5 million rubles, which were donated to him by subscribers to new investigations and the presidential campaign. Another episode is an insult. The state prosecution recalled Navalny's caustic statement towards the magistrate, prosecutor and veteran Artemenko. His oppositionist called traitor and chill because of the video in support of constitutional amendments.
2023
New terrorism case and 19-year sentence
In April 2023, Alexei Navalny said that investigators had opened against him, as he put it, an "absurd" terrorism case, in which he could be sentenced to another 30 years in prison.
In July 2023, a Russian court sentenced opposition leader Alexei Navalny to another 19 years in prison, finding him guilty of "extremism."
Transfer to IK-3 in Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug
In December 2023, Alexei Navalny was transferred to a remote Arctic prison camp, where he spent almost three weeks during which his whereabouts were unknown to his allies and lawyers.
Navalny arrived at the IK-3 prison in the village of Harp in the Yamalo-Nenets district of Russia, his press secretary Kira Yarmysh said on December 25. According to her, a lawyer visited him, and Navalny "feels good."
2024
The United States is trying to exchange Navalny for Russians imprisoned in their prisons
On August 1, 2024, the adviser to US President Biden on national security said that Alexei Navalny was to be included in a large-scale deal on the exchange of prisoners between Russia, the United States and Germany in Ankara.
On the one hand, with such a statement, the United States confirmed that they considered Navalny their asset.
At the same time, the death of Navalny in the colony accelerated the exchange procedure. His figure was a stumbling block in the negotiations, but with the death of the oppositionist in the winter of 2024, the objects of disagreement immediately became much less.
Death in custody
On February 16, 2024, the Federal Penitentiary Service of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug announced the death of Alexei Navalny. After the walk, he felt unwell and almost immediately lost consciousness, the Federal Penitentiary Service for the region said. Ambulance doctors pronounced the death of the convict. According to some reports, the cause of death of Alexei Navalny is a detached blood clot.
US intelligence agencies concluded that Russian President Vladimir Putin most likely did not give an order to liquidate opposition leader Alexei Navalny in prison in February, WSJ reported in April 2024.
The conclusion has received widespread recognition in the intelligence community and is shared by several departments, including the CIA, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and the intelligence unit of the US State Department, the report said.
Internet services
Notes
- ↑ Movement "People" Navalny Alexei Anatolyevich
- ↑ 2,0 2,1 Alexey Navalny - "Nothing stimulates civic activity like the feeling that someone gets your money
- ↑ Alexey Navalny: Antimonopoly legislation should apply to purchases made by Gazprom and Transneft//Oil and Gas Information Agency, September 23, 2009 Actively
- ↑ Alexey Navalny|Live Magazine
- ↑ Talk about politics focused on LiveJournal|Webplanet
- ↑ 6,0 6,1 6,2 6,3 ixzz1mLIgNsyq What does Alexei Navalny do for a living
- ↑ Site of the project Political debates,
- ↑ The debate between Maria Gaidar and writer Eduard Bagirov at the Gogol club ended with the shooting of
- ↑ [http://www.kp.ru/print/article/23995.4/78002 Politdebata ending
- ↑ with
- ↑ the shooting. Party boss wounded his "opponent" with a pistol]
- ↑ Political debate between the SPS and United Russia ended in a fight and shooting
- ↑ "Tesak" ignited his sentence
- ↑ Liberals staged a show with the Nazis
- ↑ Damning speech
- ↑ Apple rolled back - Gazeta.Ru
- ↑ 17,0 17,1 [http://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/news/7189081/skr_zapodozril_alekseya_i_olega_navalnyh_v_hischenii_55_mln Committee
- ↑ 18,0 18,1 18,2 [http://top.rbc.ru/society/17/12/2012/836856.shtml of
- ↑ VEDOMOSTI - Persons of the Year - 2009: Private Person of the Year // vedomosti.ru
- ↑ , Navalny published an indictment in the Kirovles case.
- ↑ Russian Opposition Leader Raises $3 Million in Bitcoin Donations
- ↑ Instagram, Alexey Navalny
Links
- Alexey Navalny in Lentapedia
- IA REGNUM
- Newspaper "Vedomosti"
- Speech by A. Navalny on "Freedom"
- Speech by A. Navalny at the Echo of Moscow
- API Oil and Gas Information Agency
- Political News Agency APN
- Navalny demands from the prosecutor's office to check the "national treasure" Business Petersburg
- Alexey Navalny: monopolies overestimate the cost of projects
- RIA FederalPress